Hong Kong’s decades-long democracy is reaching a tragic end. The Chinese parliament has approved new security laws for Hong Kong, banning “treason, secession, sedition, and subversion” in the city. Critics say that the law will enable prosecution for political crimes, and ultimately erode the “one country, two systems” principle that has granted the Hong Kong people democracy and freedom of speech — principles that are absent from the mainland. The US subsequently announced plans to revoke its preferential treatment to Hong Kong in trade and travel. However, it is unlikely to force Beijing to alter course, as establishing order and expanding control seem to be increasingly important objectives for the Xi regime.

The Cold-War-esque tactic in which the US saves democracies as a last-minute hero is no longer possible. China has stepped up dramatically as a contender for becoming the world’s new superpower, with economic and political ties to numerous parts of the globe. The US, with the presidency of right-wing populist Donald Trump, is stepping away from the role of the world police. In this aspect, Hong Kong’s battle for democracy seems more and more isolated, and its defeat, tragically, seems ever more inevitable.

The question now is not whether Hong Kong can be saved, but when Hong Kong was lost. It is true that this bustling region of 7.5 million people is no longer the center of the Chinese economy, and holds less sway than it did decades ago. But that is not the sole reason for its downfall. Ever since the protests began in March 2019, the UK, which returned Hong Kong under the promise of their 50-year autonomy, has only made several reluctant warnings, without much threat to China’s repressive campaign. The US also took no substantial action despite the increasingly harsh rhetoric on China from the White House. Only after drastic authoritarian advance in Hong Kong did the two countries begin concrete discussions on addressing the crisis. The Western powers turning a blind eye to the protestors, in hindsight, bought time for China to resume its authoritarian agenda during a convenient period — the coronavirus pandemic.

Hong Kong’s struggles call for an examination of other democracies with dwindling chances of survival. But the outlook is bleak. In a study conducted by US based NGO Freedom House, political rights and civil liberties worldwide have been in decline for the past 14 years. Most notably, Hungary’s democracy has drastically been eroded to the point that it has become a “hybrid regime”, as Prime Minister Viktor Orbán continues to dismantle democratic institutions. In East Asia, Sri Lanka, once a commendable democracy earned by decades of civil unrest, is regressing towards authoritarianism under the pretext of national security and stability.

The democratic backsliding of these countries and Hong Kong have significant and alarming similarities: fragile democracies vulnerable to foreign influence, the inability of international institutions to prevent authoritarian rise, and the increasing reluctance of other democracies to preserve democratic values. If Russia spreads its influence aggressively, China ties itself economically and politically with developing countries worldwide. China’s Belt and Road Initiative fuels corruption in local governments with its purposely ambiguous clauses and creates notorious debt traps that ensure continued dependence on China. Additionally, China is assisting countries such as Serbia and Uzbekistan in the implementation of its authoritarian government model, instituting Huawei’s surveillance system, and repressing freedoms of the press in these regions.

In this time of crisis, international institutions such as the EU are struggling to maintain democratic order. The EU is criticized for having idly watched Orbán’s indefinite rule by decree in Hungary. Less than half of EU countries submitted a statement warning against the infringement of fundamental rights, which is futile when considering that the statement did not single out Hungary by name. The Union’s inaction is caused by a mix of political complications, particularly its lack of realistic countermeasures. For instance, the measure to suspend the rights of a country requires the unanimity of all member states, which is unrealistic. The limited response nevertheless seems to have had some effect, as Orbán’s ruling party submitted a bill to end emergency powers. However, human rights organizations warn that this is only an “optical illusion”; the very same bill will make it easier for the government to rule by decree in the future. This shares an alarming similarity to the Hong Kong crisis: an apparent mitigation of conflict followed by a sudden — and now unstoppable — repression at the rise of a new opportunity.

The security law in Hong Kong is provoking international outrage. But outrage alone is far from enough to alter the fate of democracies hanging by a thread. Democracies must realize that they are once again in a lengthy battle to preserve the core values that define the modern world. Governments must collaborate to impose sanctions on corruption and human rights abuse, support grassroots movements towards democracy, and monitor corrosive Chinese influence in fragile institutions. While the economic and political repercussions of speaking out are undesirable, the cost of negligence will take a much heavier toll. Democracies only die in silence.